Liang Jing 14 March 2006
共産主义运动最大的讽刺莫过于这个以无産者挣脱锁链，获得解放为目的的运动结果却如哈耶克所言，成为一条通往奴役的道路。在共産主义者获得政权的国度，人 民反而失去了自由。在所谓社会主义国家中，为共产党夺取政权牺牲最大的中国农民，遭遇最为悲惨，他们长时间地被束缚在集体农业中，不仅普遍陷入贫困，而且几乎完全失去人身自由。五九年到六零年的大饥荒，更夺去了数千万人的生命。
There was no greater irony of communism that such a movement, whose aim was to rid the proletariat of their chains and gain their liberation ended up as, in Hayek’s expression, the path to serfdom. In countries where communists gained political power, people have instead lost their freedom. Among so-called socialist countries, those who sacrificed most for the CPC’s seizure of political power were
上世纪八十年代的包産到户，大陆农民最满意的不仅是吃饱了肚子，更重要的是重获人身自由。当然，这不过是一种跪着的自由，农民依然没有政治权力，依然是二等公民。令世人震惊的是，这有限的自由，竟然给了大陆经济如此巨大的推动力。
What the peasantry found most satisfactory about the 1980s household responsibility system was less having enough to eat than regaining their personal freedom. Of course, this was but a supplicant freedom, the peasantry still had no political power, they remained second-class citizens. To people’s amazement, this limited freedom unexpectedly gave the PRC economy such a huge propelling force.
跪着的自由并不是没有后果的。现在看得很清楚，在一个跪在政治强权面前的自由经济中，弱者的权利必然普遍遭到忽视。六四以来，大陆各种弱势群体的利益遭到了 严重的伤害，农民在这个大变局中又一次成为最大的输家。不错，传统意义的农民是一个必然消亡的阶级，但大陆农民的遭遇在于，太多的人找不到转换身份的机 会。传统农民的基础已不复存在，但城市却只为他们打开了仆役的侧门：他们只能以所谓农民工的身份进城打工，却很难跨越成为市民的高门槛。农民日益成为流 民。
There is nothing inconsequential about supplicant freedom. It is abundantly clear today that in a free economy that is supplicant before political power, the rights of the weak are ultimately destined to be neglected. Since June Fourth, the interests of various disadvantaged groups in the PRC have suffered serious damage, and in this situation of great change the peasantry became the losers. The peasantry in the traditional sense are a social class which eventually withers away, to be sure, but the experience of peasants in the PRC is that too many fail to find opportunities to transform their status. The foundation of the traditional peasantry no longer exists, but the city has only in fact open the servant’s side gate for them: They can come to the city to work only with the status of so-called rural migrant workers, from which it is very difficult to surmount the high threshold to that of townsman. They steadily become refugees.
在很长的时间里，忙于瓜分和享受财富的大陆当权派无心关注农民的遭遇，大陆的知识和文化精英也专注于享受跪着的自由带来的种种好处，直到越来越多的人开始意识到，农民问题开始威胁到整个社会的安定。
Over a long time, those in power in China, were too busy carving up and enjoying wealth to pay attention to what the peasantry was going through, and the knowledge and cultural elite also concentrated on enjoying the benefits of supplicant freedom, until people increasingly realized that the peasant issue was starting to threaten the stability of the entire society.
在农民问题上，胡温显然比江朱有更深的理解，更多的同情，但更重要的是，他们是江朱不负责任的农村政策后果最直接的承受者，江朱造成的很多后果他们想回避也回避不了，而要由他们来买单。
In the peasants question, Hu warm obviously has a deeper understanding compared to Jiang Zhu, more sympathies, but what is more important, they are Jiang Zhu's irresponsible countryside policy consequence most direct withstand, Jiang Zhu creates very many consequences they wanted to avoid also cannot avoid, but are expected to pick up the bill for.
2006 年两会的准备过程与进行过程，共产党当权者对农民问题之关注，问计求贤的态度之诚恳，为多年所罕见。中共中央还专门为扩大政协参政发了一个5号文件。我想，许多人都与我持相同的看法，那就是这一次共产党并不是做做样子。靠农民打天下的共产党真正感到了农民问题对自己的威胁。共产党当权者从越来越多的太石 村，东洲村事件中看到，不少农民已经不愿继续跪下去了，更有一些知识份子试图带领他们一同站起来。
In the preparations and proceedings of the 2006 NPC and CPPCC meetings, the attention the CCP rulers paid to the peasant question, and their sincere style of asking the wise for ideas, had been rarely seen for many years. The Central Committee of the CCP also specially issued a No. 5 document for expanded participation of the CPPCC in government. I think many people may feel as I do that this time the CCP is not just going through the motions. The CPC, having depended on them in its fight for state power, truly feels the peasant question as a threat to itself. The power-holders in the Party from the growing number of events, like Taishi and
农民问题正在成为促使共产党放宽民主议政尺度最有力的杠杆。这首先是因为共产党当权者对农民问题的严重性虽有认识，但并没有什麽有信心的办法。放宽议政的尺度，一方面可以集思广益，更重要的是可以减少政策失败后的政治风险。最有意思的是，在大陆所谓的民意机构中，最缺的恰恰是农民的代表。在这样一个几乎没有农民代表的议政体制中，议论农民问题， 比较容易形成的基本的共识，就是不要让农民问题颠覆现存的秩序。
The peasant question is becoming the most powerful lever pushing the CPC to widen the scope of democratic political debate. This is first because the Party power-holders understand the gravity of the peasant question, but lack confidence in any approach. By widening the scope of political debate, they may on the one hand gain ideas from various sources, but more importantly after may reduce political risk of policy failures. The most interesting thing is, precisely what is most lacking in the PRC’s “public opinion organizations” are representatives of the peasantry. In such a system of political debate lacking any peasant representatives, a basic consensus which relatively easy to form when discussing peasant issues, is not allowing the peasant question to subvert the existing order.
跪着的自由引发的问题正在催生跪着的民主。跪着的民主能否找到解决农民问题 的办法呢？我注意到民建中央提出了一个颇有深意的建议。据《新京报》报道，民建中央调查部负责人，政协委员熊大方说，他们调研发现，城市中20世纪80年 代以后出生的人员规模越来越大，他们对城市的认同感较高，已经淡漠了再回农村的想法，在思想意识和生活习惯上也基本上与城市居民相融了，在提案中他们特别建议优先使他们迈过市民化的“门槛”。但这一建议马上就遭到公安部某官员的反驳。他认为，“现阶段城乡差别太大，户口放开后，大量农民工会涌向城镇，无法 招架。” 因此，“农民工市民化还需要一个比较长的过渡时间”。
The questions aroused by supplicant freedom are expediting supplicant democracy. Can it find solutions to the peasant issue? I note that the Central Committee of the National Reconstruction Party made a quite profound suggestion. The Xingjing bao reported that Xiong Dafang, who is in charge of the Party Central Committee’s survey department and a CPPCC delegate, said that their investigations had found that the extent of people born after the 1980s was increasing in the cities, their identification with the city was high, diluting their ideas of returning to the countryside, and basically blending with the ideology and habits and customs of urban residents; in their proposals they placed particular priority on getting themselves over the “threshold” to becoming townsmen. But this suggestion was immediately repudiated a certain Ministry of Public Security official, who argued that “differences between town and country in the present stage are too big, after the hukou system is relaxed, an irresistible mass of peasants will flood into the cities.” Hence, “Mingong need a rather long transition time to become townsmen”.
看来，跪着的民主如果找到什麽办法的话，恐怕也必须是让农民继续跪着的办法。问题是，农民会答应继续跪下去吗？中国人会愿意继续跪下去吗？这个问题不是我今天能够回答的，也不是今天当权的任何精英能够回答的，而恐怕正是要由那些上世纪八十年代以后出生的农民来回答的。
It seems that if supplicant democracy were to find a solution, it must be such that the peasants continue to kneel. The question is, will they agree to stay on their knees? Will the Chinese agree to stay supplicant? This is not a question I can answer today, nor can any of the elite in power today, but maybe it will be just those peasants born since the 1980s who can.
No comments:
Post a Comment